2026 International Tax Competitiveness Index
The structure of a country’s tax code is a determining factor of its economic performance. A well-structured tax code is easy for taxpayers to comply with and can promote economic development while raising sufficient revenue for a government’s priorities. In contrast, poorly structured tax systems can be costly, distort economic decision-making, and harm domestic economies.
Many countries have recognized this and have reformed their tax codes. Over the past few decades, marginal tax rates on corporate and individual income have declined significantly across the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Now, most OECD nations raise a significant amount of revenue from broad-based taxes such as payroll taxes and value-added taxes (VAT).
Not all recent changes in tax policy among OECD countries have improved the structure of tax systems; some had a negative impact. Though some countries, like Austria, have reduced their corporate income tax rates by several percentage points, others, like France, the Slovak Republic, and Slovenia, have increased them. Corporate tax base improvements have occurred in Canada, Germany, Lithuania, the United Kingdom, and the United States, while the corporate tax base has been made less competitive in the Czech Republic and Slovenia. Germany and Finland are phasing out temporary improvements to their corporate tax bases that Lithuania, the United Kingdom, and the United States have made permanent and expanded.
In recent years, tax policy has increasingly drifted away from its traditional roles of raising government revenue and encouraging investment into the toolbox of international tax and trade disputes, with import tariffs, digital service levies, and extraterritorial taxes deployed to exert economic pressure. In this environment, policymakers should refocus on neutral, internationally competitive tax policies that raise revenue with minimal harm to investment and economic growth. The variety of approaches to taxation among OECD countries creates a need to evaluate these systems relative to each other. For that purpose, we have developed the International Tax Competitiveness Index—a relative comparison of OECD countries’ tax systems with respect to competitiveness and neutrality.
The International Tax Competitiveness Index (ITCI) seeks to measure the extent to which a country’s tax system adheres to two important aspects of tax policy: competitiveness and neutrality.
A competitive tax code is one that keeps marginal effective tax rates low. In today’s globalized world, capital is highly mobile. Businesses can choose to invest in any number of countries throughout the world to find the highest rate of return. This means that businesses will look for countries with lower tax rates on investment to maximize their after-tax rate of return. If a country’s tax rate is too high, it will drive investment elsewhere, leading to slower economic growth. In addition, high marginal tax rates can impede domestic investment and lead to tax avoidance.
According to research from the OECD, corporate taxes are most harmful for economic growth, with personal income taxes and consumption taxes being less harmful. Taxes on immovable property have the smallest impact on growth.
Separately, a neutral tax code is simply one that seeks to raise the most revenue with the fewest economic distortions. This means that it doesn’t favor consumption over saving, as happens with investment taxes and wealth taxes. It also means few or no targeted tax breaks for specific activities carried out by businesses or individuals.
As tax laws become more complex, they also become less neutral. If, in theory, the same taxes apply to all businesses and individuals, but the rules are such that large businesses or wealthy individuals can change their behavior to gain a tax advantage, this undermines the neutrality of a tax system.
A tax code that is competitive and neutral promotes sustainable economic growth and investment while raising sufficient revenue for government priorities.
There are many factors unrelated to taxes which affect a country’s economic performance. Nevertheless, taxes play an important role in the health of a country’s economy.
To measure whether a country’s tax system is neutral and competitive, the ITCI looks at more than 40 tax policy variables. These variables measure not only the level of tax rates, but also how taxes are structured. The Index looks at a country’s corporate taxes, individual income taxes, consumption taxes, property taxes, and the treatment of profits earned overseas. The ITCI gives a comprehensive overview of how developed countries’ tax codes compare, explains why certain tax codes stand out as good or bad models for reform, and provides important insight into how to think about tax policy.
Due to some data limitations, recent tax changes in some countries may not be reflected in this year’s version of the International Tax Competitiveness Index.
Individual Taxes
Individual taxes are one of the most prevalent means of raising revenue to fund government spending. Individual income taxes are levied on an individual's or household's income (wages and, often, capital gains and dividends) to fund general government operations.
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These taxes are typically progressive, meaning that the rate at which an individual’s income is taxed increases as the individual earns more income.
In addition, countries have payroll taxes—also referred to as social security contributions or social insurance taxes. These typically flat-rate taxes are levied on wage income in addition to a country’s general individual income tax. However, revenue from these taxes is typically allocated specifically toward social insurance programs such as unemployment insurance, government pension programs, and health insurance.
Individual taxes can have the benefit of being some of the more transparent taxes. Taxpayers are made aware of their total amount of taxes paid at some point in the process—unlike, for example, consumption taxes, which are collected and remitted by a business, and an individual may not be aware of their total consumption tax burden.
Most countries tax individuals on their income using two approaches. First, countries tax earnings from work with ordinary income taxes and payroll taxes. The structure of these taxes can influence individuals’ decisions to work, take an additional part-time job, or whether a second earner in the household will work. Second, individuals are taxed on their savings through taxes on capital gains and dividends. In most cases, these taxes are a second layer of tax on corporate profits and can impact decisions on how much to save and invest. High taxes on capital gains and dividends can reduce the aggregate savings and investment in a country.
A country’s score for its individual income tax is determined by three subcategories: the rate and progressivity of wage taxation, income tax complexity, and the extent to which the income tax double taxes corporate income.
Subcategory Breakdown
How each of the 38 countries scores on the parts that make up its individual taxes score. Select a country to see its breakdown in detail.
| Rank | Country | Score | Income Tax | Complexity | Capital Gains/Dividends |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| #1 | Estonia | 100.0 | #1 100.0 | #1 100.0 | #4 85.8 |
| #2 | Slovak Republic | 94.6 | #7 68.5 | #1 100.0 | #2 97.9 |
| #3 | Hungary | 91.9 | #2 92.3 | #1 100.0 | #12 76.5 |
| #4 | Czech Republic | 91.0 | #4 82.9 | #1 100.0 | #8 81.5 |
| #5 | Greece | 89.6 | #24 52.6 | #1 100.0 | #1 100.0 |
| #6 | Turkey | 86.6 | #10 66.9 | #1 100.0 | #5 84.6 |
| #7 | New Zealand | 85.5 | #15 57.2 | #1 100.0 | #3 89.4 |
| #8 | Latvia | 84.3 | #8 67.5 | #1 100.0 | #9 80.0 |
| #9 | Switzerland | 84.0 | #12 63.2 | #1 100.0 | #7 82.3 |
| #10 | Lithuania | 80.8 | #5 69.6 | #1 100.0 | #14 72.1 |
| #11 | Poland | 77.6 | #11 66.1 | #1 100.0 | #16 68.8 |
| #12 | Slovenia | 75.5 | #30 45.4 | #1 100.0 | #10 79.4 |
| #13 | Costa Rica | 69.0 | #3 83.0 | #31 43.6 | #12 76.5 |
| #14 | Australia | 68.9 | #17 57.0 | #1 100.0 | #20 59.4 |
| #15 | Belgium | 67.3 | #31 44.3 | #1 100.0 | #18 65.4 |
| #16 | Italy | 63.5 | #28 48.6 | #1 100.0 | #23 55.5 |
| #17 | United States | 62.7 | #20 54.3 | #1 100.0 | #26 50.2 |
| #18 | Sweden | 62.4 | #16 57.1 | #30 99.6 | #27 47.8 |
| #19 | Portugal | 61.2 | #34 37.6 | #1 100.0 | #22 59.0 |
| #20 | Spain | 60.9 | #23 52.8 | #1 100.0 | #27 47.8 |
| #21 | Luxembourg | 59.9 | #21 53.4 | #32 39.2 | #6 83.5 |
| #22 | United Kingdom | 59.5 | #18 55.5 | #1 100.0 | #31 43.5 |
| #23 | Chile | 59.1 | #25 51.9 | #1 100.0 | #30 45.3 |
| #24 | Finland | 59.0 | #26 51.4 | #1 100.0 | #29 45.4 |
| #25 | Colombia | 58.6 | #6 68.8 | #36 37.8 | #15 71.3 |
| #26 | Mexico | 57.5 | #19 55.3 | #36 37.8 | #11 78.7 |
| #27 | Austria | 57.3 | #35 36.8 | #1 100.0 | #25 52.6 |
| #28 | Canada | 57.1 | #22 52.8 | #1 100.0 | #34 41.1 |
| #29 | Norway | 55.0 | #13 59.1 | #1 100.0 | #36 32.9 |
| #30 | Netherlands | 53.9 | #32 43.7 | #1 100.0 | #33 41.5 |
| #31 | Israel | 51.8 | #36 36.6 | #1 100.0 | #32 42.7 |
| #32 | Iceland | 50.1 | #14 58.5 | #36 37.8 | #19 63.1 |
| #33 | France | 49.3 | #37 35.6 | #1 100.0 | #35 38.9 |
| #34 | Germany | 49.3 | #9 67.2 | #32 39.2 | #24 54.7 |
| #35 | Japan | 48.9 | #27 49.4 | #32 39.2 | #17 66.3 |
| #36 | Ireland | 45.0 | #29 46.6 | #1 100.0 | #38 23.5 |
| #37 | Denmark | 43.7 | #33 41.2 | #1 100.0 | #37 24.9 |
| #38 | Korea | 39.0 | #38 33.8 | #32 39.2 | #21 59.4 |
Source: 2026 International Tax Competitiveness Index.
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About the Authors
Alex Mengden is an Economist at the Tax Foundation, where he focuses on international tax issues and tax policy in Europe. He holds a BA in philosophy and economics from the University of Bayreuth and an MSc in economics from the Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich.
Luis Zarka
Luis Zarka was a 2026 Transatlantic Tax Fellow with the Tax Foundation’s Center for Global Tax Policy.
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