These States Could Tax Your Recovery Rebates
Due to a quirk of some state tax codes, the recovery rebates in the CARES Act could increase your income tax liability in six states: Alabama, Iowa, Louisiana, Missouri, Montana, and Oregon.
4 min readJared Walczak is a Senior Fellow at the Tax Foundation, where he spent five years as Vice President of State Projects, and president of Walczak Policy Consulting.
Jared has written or co-written tax reform guides for more than a dozen states and has served as the principal author of the Tax Foundation’s State Tax Competitiveness Index and Location Matters. He is also a regular on the conference circuit and has testified before legislatures in 35 states. His efforts have been instrumental in securing tax reform in many states, including sweeping reforms in Iowa and Louisiana, along with substantive reforms in Georgia, Idaho, Kentucky, Missouri, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Utah, West Virginia, and Wyoming, among others.
Jared also serves as a member of the faculty of the Institute for Professionals in Taxation, sits on the state tax advisory board of the Institute for State Policy Leaders, and contributes to Tax Notes State magazine. He is the author of the “SALT Road” Substack, a free newsletter on state and local tax policy.
Due to a quirk of some state tax codes, the recovery rebates in the CARES Act could increase your income tax liability in six states: Alabama, Iowa, Louisiana, Missouri, Montana, and Oregon.
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What could the next phase of relief look like and what role does tax policy play in ensuring the U.S. and countries around the world make a strong economic recovery?
1 min readState revenue stabilization funds, often called rainy day funds, are better funded now than they were at the start of the Great Recession and can be a valuable tool as states face a sharp pandemic-linked economic contraction.
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Many states are racing to pass budgets, emergency COVID-19 supplemental appropriations, and other must-pass legislation as quickly as possible. We’re tracking the latest state legislative responses to the coronavirus crisis.
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State options for closing FY 2020 shortfalls are limited and may ultimately include drawing on reserve funds and even accounting tricks
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Another 1.4 million Americans filed initial regular unemployment benefit claims, the eleventh week of a decline in the rate of new claims, but still among the highest levels in U.S. history. The total number of new and continued claims now stands at 19.3 million, a marked decline from the peak of 24.9 million a month ago.
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Every state with an individual income tax has made some adjustment to its filing or payment deadlines, but three—Idaho, Mississippi, and Virginia—have not followed the federal government’s date of July 15th or later.
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State and local governments across the country split $150 billion in federal aid under a provision of the Coronavirus Aid, Relief and Economic Security (CARES) Act, passed on March 30th.
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New Jersey is temporarily waiving corporate nexus arising from employees teleworking due to the COVID-19 pandemic—a response to the crisis that other states should follow.
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To be eligible for federal funding, state expenditures must meet certain conditions. We break down the state aid coronavirus provisions in the latest federal bill.
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During the present crisis, remote work has become a necessity for many people. The tax implications, however, are very real and potentially quite complex.
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Unemployment claims are going to tax state unemployment compensation trust funds beyond their limits. We need to start thinking about what to do about it.
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The federal government moved tax day from April 15 to July 15 in response to the coronavirus pandemic, granting more time for both filing and payment. But for many taxpayers, it might not matter much if states don’t follow suit.
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Governmental responses to the coronavirus outbreak will require creativity and flexibility—and one aspect of that may involve temporarily rethinking how we structure not only unemployment insurance (UI) benefits but also the taxes that pay for them.
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In the short term, states must anticipate reduced tax collections as the economy slows. And here, not all taxes are created equal. As a general rule, income taxes are more volatile than consumption taxes.
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Taxing GILTI puts states at a competitive disadvantage compared to their peers—all for a tax that makes very little sense at the state level, and which legislators never sought in the first place.
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